By Igbonekwu Ogazimorah
Usually, the best tracks social epochs use in sending preaction notices to societies tend to be by suggestions and prognosis of social scientists, most of whom do not appeal to the powers that be. It is in the disruptions which precede such epochs that power players who are creative and responsive begin to pick the signals of the approaching storm.
When then, Mr. Ralph Uwazurike, a lawyer, formed the Movement for Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra, MASSOB, in 1999, few bothered to think of the warnings being sounded by his boldness in standing up to the departing Military Government of Abdulsalami Abubakar. Indeed, aside a few snippets following the presence of Ikemba Emeka Ojukwu in the public space, nobody actually talked of Biafra as possible challenge to the State or the regional governments.
As the editor of the Hallmark Newspapers, then based on Adeniyi Jones Avenue, Ikeja, I gave Uwazurike the ever full media exposure with a full blown interview run on three long pages. Both of us were quickly invited by the Lagos State Police Command and we had our separate interviews with the then Commissioner of Police.
We followed the development up with a full blast of Uwazurike’s interview with the CP, and got another police invitation.
Uwazurike was largely ignored, but he made steady progress. He opened the Biafran offices in Europe and America, and soon got the attention of the former Biafran Head of State, General Emeka Ojukwu, who actually commissioned the Biafra House in Washington DC.
I also remember interviewing Nnamdi Kanu, who was brought to my office that same year by a corps member who was known to me as my reader and follower.
In a space of four years, MASSOB had impacted hugely on the population, especially the youths, who actually believed that it would take less or about what Massob was doing to attain the Biafra State. The just introduced Obasanjo administration actually helped that cause in his controversial appointment of the national security architecture which left the Igbo with nothing, just as the present Government of Muhammadu Buhari.
I remember that when diaspora Ndigbo took up this with Obasanjo in New York, he roared, “go to hell,” and the bewildered speaker. This had quickly hardened the people’s perception about the establishment standing against the Igbo in Nigeria. Oh, sure, Obasanjo was to later make up for the shortcomings as he flooded his administration with Igbo intellectuals and technocrats.
The arrival of Nnamdi Kanu, as single promoter, was first noted in 2012 when he joined demonstrators in London to protest the killing of Nigerians in Bornu State which had been seized by the extremist jihadists called the Boko Haram. That exercise was actually promotion of Nigerian unity as it aspired to instill values to the lives of citizens under threats of in the North East.
When then Kanu was arrested by the Buhari administration, it became a wonder if such action was necessitated by his acts against the State governed by the present administration or a dose of the usual security hangover common in Nigeria. It is only Nigeria that citizens who have had issues with previous governments were still listed as being on watch long after the administration and issues had been eclipsed by time. I remember the cases of June 12 activists who were arrested and delayed/detained on arrival in 2005 long after the events that caused their names to make the list had since been consigned to history.
However, the frenzy of celebration by the security in Kanu’s first arrest and trial; the overjoy of those who felt that mocking the agitators for Biafra was the solution to Nigeria’s problems and of course the so many government dereliction in authority and governance ensured the ascendance of Kanu and IPOB.
But that was not all. Most or all of the governors of the South East, where Kanu comes from, appear not to understand what has been at play. Likely, they felt that Kanu was a mere flash in the pan and would wither away soon. They were likely as arrogant as most African rulers who have no respect for the opinion or feeling of their subjects or country men. Consequently, Kanu could rant as much as he was doing, and fade away, they must have thought. After all, they would he ensconced in the warm and cosy Government Houses, where no IPOB or Kanu would reach.
But isn’t that called ‘ostrichism’?
It is an indication that they must have failed to comrehend what has been at play and so, could not have made efforts at trying to study and situate the rising problem. Way back in 1997, in my book, “New Roads to Biafra…the Igbo man’s burden,” I had elaborated on the danger of Igbo leaders failing to appreciate the future preseure that would arise if much provisions were not made to absorb the surging energy of the youth.
It was my view and remains so, that the Igbo, young and old, are not made like other Nigerians. Whereas, on account of Islamic religion, you could hold down or compel the typical Hausa or the so called Hausa Fulani; as you could secure compliance among Middle Belt, Yoruba and even Kanuri Youths, such is not possible with the Igbo whose attitude to religion is purely personal and never impressed by any person of a social or political standing.
Indeed, then, my position had been that the generation of traditional rulers, most of whom rose on account of their roles as providers of succour to their people in the hard and crushing days of the civil war, or the immediate aftermath, would command some reasonable repect, newer rulers, largely seen as usurpers and impostors, would face harder times. Worse would be political leaders who, having arisen from political patronage and godfatherism, would be amiss with the realities on the ground, which in turn would breed discontent.
The drive of my thesis was that the Igbo, having been classfied as being disinclined to central leadership, had faired better with situational emergence of leadership, would not suddenly become the fawning and beggerly people just because somebody had arrived on the back of some fame. The ready examples were Nnamdi Azikiwe who arose to lead in the founding, firming and poignancy of the Igbo and other Nigerians against colonial suzereignty. Emeka Ojukwu was another, who had risen to lead when the Igbo and other Easterners most needed a true leader who could stand the lies, bullying and attempts at annihilating the people.
I concluded that the Igbo had neither any need nor uses for perpetuating leadership systems since only the situations determined who had the right background to provide that needed, if craved, heft at the moment, and once that is sorted, everybody returns to his inclinations. Many Nigerians find this unusual, but that is who the Igbo are. Be good all you can be, and be of great service to your people, but you must give way, soon, if you would retain a modicum of respects when your time is up.
It is possible that not a single one of the present generation of leaders gave a thought to this, and likely non read my decrepit book. However, whatever gives them the courage to think that because they have found themselves in positions of leadership, either by rogue elections or prompting of godfathers or even because they are ready to trade off the collective interests of their people, beats me.
Otherwise, you would wonder why the present leadership still views the Biafra struggles from their personal views of Nnamdi Kanu.
Frankly, they may not be alone. Some of us made that initial mistake of considering the issues of the Biafra independence struggles from the narrow prism of Kanu, who was largely derided by pro-establishment educated class as a clown and fraudster.
That is the mistake everybody has made. Yes, Kanu has been the leader of IPOB, and he has been one with such propaganda capabilities few can ever muster. He has now garnered the audience of tens of millions of youthful Igbo, non-Igbo Easterners, Middle Belters and even the elements of the South West. Strangely, no single government in the region has made any attempt at studying, understanding and situating this phenomenon till this stage it has taken over the reigns of coercive powers from the government.
In the first place, if we must be fair to the teeming millions on the march with Kanu (please be sure i can be counted), the governments had consistently acted in total negligence or deliberate disregard to such economic and social indices which would have moved the survival of the common man in Nigeria – a case that is worse for the Igbo man. Take for instance the behaviour of governments towards the madness of cattle rearers, who for no known economic reasons are unchallenged in plundering communities and their farms. For the six years already in the kitty of this Federal Government, it has been this rigid, unimaginative pursuit of seizing lands belonging to individuals and states for the benefit of cattle owners.
The government has been running from pillar to post, trying to sell variously, suspicious policies called either National livestock programme or Ruga. Soon, it changed from ruga to inland water ways or river banks. Now, it is talking of historical grazing routes, an anachronistic notorious policy of the then Northern regional administration that ended under the jackboot of Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu and his co-putchists. When Nigerians still rose against it, the new song is “Senatorial Farm Estates. In this age, a supposedly modern government is doing whatever is within its powers to stop States from implementing their policies against open grazing, not minding that the greater number of the people in those States survive by subsistent farming. What a government.
Of course, weak-kneed governors may yield, but we are talking of deadly herdsmen clearly seen and caught red handed, raping village farmers, killing villagers, burning and sacking communities. They have not hidden their rating of the life of cows over and above human beings at all times.
Many Nigerian communities, North and South, had worked hard at understanding how to relate with these herders. It was soon obvious that communities that warmly received them had suffered terrible effects just as those communities that resisted their entry into their localities. Indeed, the Middle Belt communities who initially saw in them as fellow country men, allies and friends against other parts of Nigeria have now buried hundreds of thousands of their members, in mass graves, to the seeming applause of the government at the centre.
Consequently again, the people were left with no hope of any solution and are just too weak and powerless before the sophisticatedly armed herdsmen. Now, won’t you wonder why men, who were previously known to move about with sticks now turn around to be weilding high grade military calibre weapons? While Fulani elites rationalise these as necessary given that they encounter dangerous animals in the bushes, (as if those bushes had not been there when they carried sticks), the government stated that those carrying weapons were aliens fleeing from disintegrating Libya, Mali, Chad, etc. Of course, it was later disclosed that the so called foreigners were criminal elements imported into Nigeria to rig the present administration into office in 2015.
Remember, as Nigerians suffered, nay Ndigbo, in the hands of these maruaders, Kanu and his IPOB could be said to be commanding just about 45 per cent of its present followership and just about 10 per cent of the educated elite followership in Igbo land and elsewhere. Yes, people were helpless but they had realised that the road to Biafra, either within or outside Nigeria, through Kanu was still going to be a torture.
But the avalanche broke at the formation of the Eastern Security Network with the prestated objective of confronting the herdsmen in the bushes so that people could return to the farms. Indeed, hastily made video clips started popping up on phones as these ESN operatives confronted herders, yelling, “stop occupying our bushes, come and live with others in the town so that we can know and tell who is around us.” They were never reported as killing herders.
Over night, IPOB/Kanu followership swung from its marginal level of acceptance to almost total followership and in most cases, unwavering allegiances. Across and about, the commonherd swore to his redeemer-status and the intellectual class, derisively called ”otellectuals” by IPOB hardliners jumped to over 80 per cent. And why wouldn’t they? For decades, successive governments had ignored the plight of the poor, and yet the same popr had not revolted. Government had mouthed that people should farm to survive or at least stwve off hunger. But deadly herdsmen are always waiting for them in the bushes, to rape, maim, murder, sack and pillage the community. Everywhere you turned, a predatorwas waiting.
Remember, again, it was about the third time the various State Governments made joint and separate statements claiming to have established Farm or Forest Guards Corp with the mandate to checkmate the criminal herders. Some actually did, but none was as effective as IPOB’s ESN, whose mode of formation had no roots in State laws. But they were formed anyway, and have muscled in their way into power, specifically by appealing to the people and achieving a measure of reprieve from the onslaught of the herders.
Many of us may not be familiar with the old “theory of mandate of heaven.” In his elaborate work, ‘The origins of political order,’ Francis Fukuyama states, ‘those who hold power at a time soon devised ways to perpetuate themselves…and people were fixated on regimes of misrule and oppression…until incidences and actions led to seizure of the same power in what was recorded as the first registered overthrow of government, an action whose widespread reception and popular appeal caused citizens to scream, ‘this…by the mandate of heaven.” Hasn’t it become the tradition for every new regime the world over claim mandate of heaven?
Of course, what ESN did cannot by any measure qualify as overthrow of government but presently, we shall see why it qualifies, to a huge chunk of the population, as the “mandate of heaven.”
I was a full time news reporter gleefully trotting the streets of Lagos, most state capitals and event spots during the June 12 crises in 1993. I understand “sit-at-home” situations. Although it was an era of military government, it was also an era when determined Nigerians showed their rejection of a government action, and so compelled international and national attention by all means. It toppled the military junta.
But, if Kanu had started with a seemingly unpopular demand for independence of old Eastern Region from Nigeria, could it mean that those in authorities actually believed that the demand would remain unpopular if they, by actions and policies never shifted from their age old negligence and criminal compliance in oppression of the harpless masses? In answering this question, it would be important to say what you think of the steady progress Kanu made, especially in his bull’s-eye scores on predictions on national security challenges, all of which have turned out to me prophetic?
Kanu said that a killer group deadlier than Boko Haram would emerge and their would be answer. Has it not occured? Prior to this, Kanu said to Southern Nigerians and the Middle Belters, “foreigners will be brought into the country and aided to kill you and take your lands… and the government will do nothing, because it is in their plan.” The last time i checked, it had happened. As Atiku commenced his capaign to oust Buhari in the 2019 Presidential elections, Kanu said he was a Cameroonian and would not be alowed to rule Nigeria. Of course, Atiku did not win the election, but in the post-election tussles, the Federal Government brought the claim that Atiku was from Cameroon. Those who have their fingers on the counts say that there are about such 14 prophetic statements of Kanu and all came to pass.
Was it not logical then that when on last 30th May, Kanu declared total lockdown of the South East people followed without question? Some of those who disobeyed the order had themselves to blame, some are even dancing mambo music with ants, maggots and other insects, right deep in their graves, now.
Isn’t this the wresting of coercive power from the State? Your answer is as good as mine.
The recent re-apprehension, re-incarceration and re-tuanting of Kanu and his followers have now given birth to new regimes of lockdown. Of course, the State, nay SE Governments, have proven to be no match to IPOB in control of the people. They have also failed to assert themselves, even if to maintain quasi claims of power over the territories they pretend to govern. Reasons for these are not far fetched. In fairness to the governors, most never liked the idea of using force against their people. Many understand that there is life outside government which awaits them patiently. The governors who appealed to force have turned out to prove that naked force would not solve the problem. Secondly, as far as i can guess, the governors do not even trust the security personnel stationed in the South East. Most act as if they hold unpardonable grudges against the locals, and tend to act in excess of their mandate each time they get into the fields of operation. Many of them behave like occupation forces, extroting, exploiting and driving the fear of the devil into innocent citizens. Examples abound of these personnel aparently taking much pleasure in slaughtering the people, from active participants in protests to innocent bystanders. In some cases, some people were smoked out from their homes and taken away, never to be seen again. No governor with reasonable shred of conscience would want to unleash such horde on his people just because he wants to prove who had the power to command the population.
Thirdly, many of the governors actually believe that these series of lockdowns would soon irritate the population and so elicit resistence to put an end to it. This mindset is likely emanatng from those who have no proper understanding of the powers of the lower rungs (lumpen proletariats) in social evolution. You cannot beat them in this. Ideas may belong to you, but when it comes to the street, you are like fish out of water.
If then IPOB, which now appears to have the command of quasi legitmate mandate of the people says it is not involved in the Monday lockdowns, how then is it effective just because some persons called hoodlums are enforcing them? It is either that IPOB is still enforcing it but does not want to own up (which is unlikely) or that the government has shirked its powers and fled the duty posts. Otherwise, one can even argue that a third force has emerged which may take off from the trench of the so called “hoodlums”, and has now wrested the power of coercion from government. If that group has not emerged, it is bound to emerge as the political gains of millions of citizens complying to an order to sit-home is too much to be anonymous. If only i know where to hide to evade arrest and brutal punishment, i would have claimed it. Wallahi!!!
It is not funny that the governors of Ebonyi, Anambra and Imo have been screaming their heads off demanding that workers and traders must get back to work. But it is laughable that they actually believed that anybody would want his or her head to be used in breaking coccnuts. Isn’t it strange, if not absurd that a government which has not even tried to reach out to the organisers of the sit-home would demand of their citizens to jump into the streets, to trade or sell as they never did before, or get into offices that would pave their ways to heaven (if anybody actually wants his life cut short to make heaven) when the same governor has the roads leading to Government House fully barricaded and gates manned by fierce looking security operatives armed to the teeth?
Be sure, these are not normal times. Indeed, they are scarier times. And they call for sober reflections. The police have shut themselves off. They actually lock themselves in, chain their gates, use the backdoors and in many cases, close like civil servants, at 6pm, each day. The governors have made fortresses of their offices and homes, and the rest of us are just there by ourselves, with ourselves as we await the hoodlums, whoever they are.
Consequently, the question arises: has the State lost the powers of relevance and coercion?
Oh, yes, at least by my personal estimation.
• Ogazimorah is a lawyer and former Commissioner for Information, Enugu State.